THE CORRUPTION IN
FRAGILE STATES BLOG

For nearly half a century, the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act has made it illegal for U.S. citizens and companies to bribe foreign officials. Since 1998, that has been the case for foreign companies listed on U.S. stock exchanges or acting in the U.S., too.

Political will is widely heralded as the spark behind the success of a successful anti-corruption project. Yet it is difficult to ignite and even harder to retain. Might South Africa be offering us a rare success story…

The reasons this critically toxic nexus receives so little attention gurgled to the fore during The Corruption and Organized Crime Across the Conflict Cycle panel –– one of the four side events (out of 125!) giving it attention at CoSP11.

The anti-corruption field could not avoid being heavily hit by the slew of brutal executive orders of the new US administration. Around the world, programs were being slashed, heads were rolling, and livelihoods were being endangered. Apart from the termination of our Ugandan social norms change program, many of our partners and colleagues were also waking up to all forms of cancellations, terminations and freezing.

The Trump administration’s policy process is idiosyncratic and fluid by design. More seriously, anti-corruption practitioners at home and abroad have criticized Trump and other officials for intentionally diminishing anti-corruption efforts or being corrupt themselves, with charges ranging from conflicts of interest to bribery.

The conceptual understanding of endemic corruption as a collective action problem does not mean the field has mastered how to pursue collective action as an effective strategy for change.

The United States is facing an emerging corruption problem that so far has drawn relatively little notice. Relying primarily upon federal prosecutors to check state and local corruption has always been a questionable strategy, and it is now about to become even less of a deterrent.

We must not ignore the nexus between the state and the politically well-connected lobbies in business.

Adherence to a faith does not mean no tolerance for corruption.

Systems mapping and stakeholder analysis are two excellent tools for corruption analysis.

More effective ways to address endemic corruption are emerging, here are three from CJL's Jared Miller.

A writer and editor on the anti-corruption field’s communication problem.

Michael Johnston on the anti-corruption field’s stale language problem—and how it contributes to lazy thinking and ineffective reforms.

For AC practitioners, systems mapping is essential but also difficult. To lessen obstacles, Peter Woodrow proposes a scaffolded approach.

While consensus exists that stakeholder analysis is essential for any anti-corruption practice, we’re still missing a sound, usable process.

To José Ignacio Hernández, calls to fight Venezuelan corruption through reinstating the rule of law are fool’s gold.

Rosemary Lark uses systems thinking to illuminate the dynamic of private-sector corruption in Europe’s financial heart.

Bo Rothstein responds to Matthew Stephenson’s critique of his September 22nd post, “Three Reasons Anti-Corruption Programs Fail.”

Bo Rothstein asks why so many anti-corruption programs have failed. His answer? Misapplied theory, poor conceptualization, and misdiagnosis.

By Rosemary Lark, Practice Fellow, CJL Stakeholders wield formal and informal power and influence that can importantly impact reform. ...